Virginia Senate Race:
Incumbent Sen. George Allen (R) v. James Webb (D)
A. Prediction The race for the US Senate seat from Virginia is one of the closest Senate races in modern memory. It was not supposed to be like this; incumbent George Allen was to coast to victory on his way to a probable 2008 Presidential run. However, his many mistakes and missteps made this race one of the most competitive in the entire nation. National polls are all within the margin of error with no consensus on who will reign victorious on Election Day. Issues of importance in this race were the war in Iraq, taxes, and foreign policy. Each campaign was rocked with scandal after scandal, creating a furor around each candidate and campaign. I believe, by an extremely small margin, Jim Webb, the Democrat will win the seat.
B. Context of the 2006 Elections
Virginia, known fully as the Commonwealth of Virginia, is one of the thirteen original colonies. It was named for the Virgin Queen Elizabeth I of England. Virginia was once much larger: it held territory that led to the formation of several other states. West Virginia was a part of Virginia until 1863, and its capital, Richmond, was capital of the Confederate States of America during the American Civil War. Many of the founding fathers, as well as eight presidents, called the state of Virginia home.
Geographically, the state is known for three main regions. The easternmost area, called the Tidewater, is the area permeated by multiple rivers, most running east to west, and some running north-south. Most of the original settlements were found in this area. (Gottman 11). This region also features the immense Chesapeake Bay. Due to its proximity with the Atlantic, and its ties to its system of navigation, the Tidewater region was directly influenced by political developments in Europe and the West Indies. The Tidewater region advances to the west until the fall line.
The fall line is an area of rapids and small streams that divide[s] the geological areas of eastern and Western Virginia. The fall line is an extremely important geographical feature, for multiple reasons. The rapids allowed for the setup of mills, and these water-run mills allowed for towns and villages to sprout. Major cities follow the route of the fall line, including New York to the north, and many cities to the Deep South. Virginia cities along the fall line include Fredericksburg, Richmond, and Petersburg.
To the west of the fall line is the Piedmont. The Piedmont is a “low rolling plateau that slopes gently eastward until its hard crystalline rocks plunge deep under the mantle of sediments of the coastal plain” (Gottmann 13). The rolling hill country features uplands and lowlands, the lower of which have soils that are more fertile. The lowland area is much smaller than that of the rolling uplands, and it is “a small wedge-shaped area between the Potomac and Rappahannock rivers” (“Virginia” 12). Farms are much more numerous in the lowlands.
The last major geographic region in Virginia is called the Blue Ridge. It features thickly forested mountains and a plateau known as Blue Ridge Plateau. It is very narrow towards the north, but it is much wider further south. The highest point in all of Virginia, Mount Rogers, at 5,520ft above sea level, is in the Blue Ridge region. The geographic regions play a part in the ideology of the people in respective regions of the state.
Virginia is the home of Jamestown, the first permanent English settlement in continental North America, and thus the “origins of the stupendous development of Anglo-America, this masterpiece of colonization, must be traced to Virginia in the seventeenth century” (Gottmann 1). Since 1607, Virginia has been the centerpiece of the American experiment. However, they were not the first to either inhabit or see the land now referred to as Virginia:
Archaeological evidence indicates that nomadic bands of hunters entered the northwest and center of what would become Virginia about 10,000 to 12,000 years ago… The first European to see Virginia may have been John Cabot, who reached the North American coast for England in 1497 and may have explored it the next year. (“Virginia” 11).
Virginia quickly grew into a royal colony in 1624, and even held a central role in the British civil war. The colonists refused to recognize the rule of Oliver Cromwell until an armed British fleet forced them in 1652. When Charles II retook the throne, he referred to Virginia as the Old Dominion, a measure of respect of its loyalty to the British throne (“Virginia” 12). This nickname still sticks today.
The state of Virginia, from then on, was to be known as a hotbed for rebellion. Beginning in the 1670’s, the Virginian people became increasingly hostile towards British colonial rule, which led to Bacon’s Rebellion. Virginians, along with Marylanders, led the fight for a revolution before the writing of the Declaration of Independence. When the Articles of Confederation did not work, Virginians spearheaded the call for a Constitution. Western Virginians became increasingly dissatisfied with the pro-slavery ideology of their eastern counterparts, and they themselves rebelled, forming their own state, West Virginia. During the buildup to the Civil War, Virginia seceded from the Union, and the Confederate capital subsequently moved from Montgomery, Alabama, to Richmond. After the Civil War, Virginia was decimated and it barely recovered during Reconstruction.
During the beginning of the nineteenth century, one-party political domination began to take hold in the state of Virginia. After defeating the anti-slavery Republicans, segregationalist Democrats sought to consolidate their power. They held a convention in 1901 to write a new state constitution, and “the result was a document, effective in 1902, that provided for a poll tax, literacy tests, and other restrictions that disfranchised many black and poor white voters—the groups most likely to vote against the Democrats” (“Virginia” 13). For the next 50 years, Democrats held a one-party monopoly over Virginia government, except for small areas in the mountainous region where Democrats could not penetrate the local Republican strongholds.
After the Second World War, the power and domination of the state’s Democratic Party began to erode, slowly. This was due, in part, to an alienation of the electorate in Virginia to the abundance of northern liberal Democrats running for national office. In addition, southern conservative Democrats (Dixiecrats) looked out of touch with the changing times:
After the U.S. Supreme Court’s 1954 ruling against school segregation, in Brown v. Board of Education, Senator Byrd called for “massive resistance” to the decree. This defiant stance ultimately proved futile. Governor J. Lindsay Almond, Jr., broke with the Byrd organization over the issue, and in 1959 several Virginia schools were desegregated. (“Virginia” 17).
Harry Byrd, the organizational leader and machinist Democratic Senator from Virginia, and the architect of the one-party rule in his state, started to lose his grip on Virginia. “At his suggestion, Virginia Democrats had endorsed Dwight Eisenhower for President,” (Atkinson 47). This endorsement gave Republicans an opening that created a full-fledged two party system in Virginia.
Enfranchisement of women and blacks (despite the resistance from Dixiecrats and conservative Republicans) led to newfound power for the electorate. “The result was an expanded, more diverse, and less predictable electorate. Byrd’s death in 1966 was the end of an era. Deprived of his prestige and guidance, the organization collapsed soon afterward,” (“Virginia” 18.) As a result, more Republicans, women and blacks exercised their influence as voters.
Since 1972, Republicans have held at least one of the two Virginia seats in the US Senate. The Virginia Republican party’s turning point was in 1978. “Virginia’s ascendant Republicans would host the largest political convention in terms of delegates assembled that had ever been convened in the free world” (Atkinson 343). The convention had over 9,000 delegates there; they fought tooth and nail over whom to nominate for the election to the US Senate. There were four major candidates, but after the second ballot at the convention, two candidates had the momentum: Richard Obenshain and John Warner. (Atkinson 355.) The final ballot formally nominated Obenshain for the US Senate; he called for the unification of the Republican Party. Despite Obenshain’s nomination, Warner’s campaign won a major moral victory—that of constantly being an outsider, but coming extremely close, almost enough to take the nomination. Obenshain was very likely to win the seat in 1978: the incumbent Democrat was vulnerable on many counts, including the conservative attitudes of the Virginia electorate. Obenshain died in a plane crash on August 2, 1978; his plane “crashed in the trees a fraction of a mile short of the Chesterfield County airport,” (Atkinson 367). Uncertainty loomed over the Republican Party, but ten days later, August 12, the GOP formally nominated John Warner for the US Senate Seat, which he still holds today, as the Chairman of the Senate Armed Services Committee.
In 1989, Virginia elected the first black governor in US history. During a decade of resurgence for Virginia Democrats, the Democratic Party held the three highest offices (Governor, Lt. Governor and Attorney General) for the entire decade (Atkinson 413). Veteran State Senator Douglas Wilder was the first black man to win any statewide office in Virginia in 1985, when he won the race for Lt. Governor. Term limits for governors allowed Wilder to run for the highest office in 1989, and he won by a mere 6,741 votes (Atkinson 414). The races for the other statewide offices were not nearly as close, and Democrats held the reigns of state power during the late 1980s, into the early 1990s.
More recently, the state of Virginia has voted against the party holding national control. Through the 1990s, Republicans held the governor’s office (including one term for current candidate George Allen.) Governors in Virginia are allowed by law to only serve one term, and then they must relinquish their seat. During his term as Governor, George Allen was noted for “a major expansion of prison facilities as a key element of an anticrime crusade,” (“Virginia” 20.) Through the early 21st Century, with a Republican President, Virginians have elected Democrats to the state governorship in 2001 and 2005.
In this election, the main issue involved is the war in Iraq. Senator George Allen has been a steadfast supporter of the military action, but Webb has been fighting against it since before the invasion, going so far as to say it “[was] arguably the worst strategic blunder in modern memory” in an op-ed for the USA Today in 2004. The Allen campaign still defends the military action, even as the ground situation unravels in Iraq. Webb has said that the troops may need to be redeployed. Other than the Iraq War, the campaign has focused much harder on personal attacks than discussion of issues.
C. The Candidates
Senator George Allen (R)
Incumbent Senator George Allen, Republican, was born in Whittier, California on March 8, 1952. His father, George Herbert Allen, was a legendary National Football League coach, and he was inducted into the Pro Football Hall of Fame in 2002. His mother, Henrietta, is of French Tunisian descent. The family lived in California until 1957, when George Sr. got a coaching job with the Chicago Bears, but subsequently moved back to southern California when he got a new job coaching the Los Angeles Rams.
Football was a constant in the Allen family: following his father’s direction, George Jr. was the quarterback of his high school football team in California. He was also a member of the football team during his college years at the University of Virginia. Allen received a BA in History with Distinction in 1974 from the University. He was class president his senior year at UVA, and he remained there for law school, ultimately receiving his JD in 1977.
Throughout his college years, Allen was politically active. In 1976, he was Chairman of the “Young Virginians for Reagan” club, and he was a supporter of both Richard Nixon and the Vietnam War, despite the fact that he took a student deferment rather than serving in the military during the conflict. Allen has had a long affinity for parading around the flag of the former Confederacy, he attributes it to a rebellious attitude from his youth; this and language he reportedly used in the past has caused a large controversy about apparent racism.
After receiving his JD, Allen clerked for a federal judge and opened his own law practice in Charlottesville, Virginia. Quickly, he found zeal to hold public office, and ran for the Virginia House of Delegates in 1979. He lost, but ran again in 1981, and won. He held the same seat once occupied by Thomas Jefferson, representing a district in Albemarle County. Allen had a noose hanging from a ficus tree in his office, something that critics claim was racially insensitive, but Allen says it was a symbol testifying to his hard stance on crime. He held the seat in the House of Delegates until 1991.
On November 5, 1991, Allen won a special election for Virginia’s 7th District in the US House of Representatives. The incumbent, D. French Slaughter, Jr., had resigned due to a series of strokes. However, his career in the House was a short one, because his district was eliminated (despite the fact that Virginia gained one additional seat in the House) after redistricting, which reflected the 1990 census.
Allen was elected Governor of Virginia in 1993, “receiving more votes than any other candidate for Governor before or since.” (georgeallen.com) Virginian governors are limited to one term in office, and Allen’s term was one of widespread reform. Such reforms include a much tougher stance on crime, including the abolishment of parole and “adoption of truth in sentencing” programs. (georgeallen.com) Allen also passed welfare reform, calling for a maximum of two years of state assistance. He cut 9000 jobs from the state government, reduced taxes for federal retirees and put in place rigorous educational requirements. Minority groups again called him a racist: he opposed the creation of a holiday for Martin Luther King, Jr., but announced that the month of April was “Confederate History and Heritage Month.”
In February 1998, Allen left government and worked for a law firm, which paid him 450,000 dollars for services rendered between January 1999 and April 2000. In addition, Allen was on the board of directors for two companies, and advised a third. The companies mostly were flops; however, one of them, Xybernaut, is Allen’s largest contributor for his 2006 Senate run. Twice Allen did not fully disclose stock transactions to the Security and Exchange Commission.
Allen was elected to the US Senate in November 2000—he was the only Republican to unseat a Democrat that year: Chuck Robb, the son-in-law of former President Lyndon Johnson, had occupied the seat. In 2002, he was elected by his party to be the Chairman of the National Republican Senatorial Committee, which oversaw a gain of four Republican seats in the Senate in the 2004 election cycle. Allen is a member of the Commerce, Science and Transportation Committee, the Small Business and Entrepreneurship Committee, the Foreign Relations Committee and the Energy and Natural Resources Committee.
Allen’s tenure in the Senate has been a colorful one. He has introduced many notable bills, most of which are conservative in nature and ideology. He proposed a line-item veto, a Constitutional Amendment requiring a balanced budget, a Paycheck Penalty, which would withhold paychecks from members of Congress until a budget was passed for the following fiscal year. Allen has also tried to quell the criticism surrounding his reported racism by co-sponsoring a resolution apologizing for the lack of legislation concerning lynching, despite 5,000 deaths from 1882 to 1968.
James H. “Jim” Webb
Challenger Jim Webb, Democrat, was born on February 9, 1946, to a military family in Saint Joseph, Missouri. He descends from Scots-Irish Americans who emigrated from Northern Ireland in the early 1700s. Webb’s father was a career officer in the US Air Force: he served in the Second World War flying B-17s and B-29s, participated in the Berlin Airlift and was involved in several missile programs. Due to the nature of his father’s military background, Webb moved around a lot, ultimately attending more than a dozen schools in the United States and England.
Webb went to the University of Southern California (USC) on a Naval ROTC scholarship, and he was a member of the Delta Chi fraternity. He transferred to the US Naval Academy in Annapolis, Maryland, in 1964, where he was a member of the Brigade Honor Committee. He graduated from the academy in 1968, along with infamous General Oliver North. After graduating, he chose a commission in the Marine Corps, “and was one of 18 in his class of 841 to receive the Superintendent's Commendation for outstanding leadership contributions while a midshipman,” (webbforsenate.com). He was first in his class at Basic Training School for the Marines, and he served with the Fifth Marine Regiment in Viet Nam. For his service, he received the “Navy Cross, the Silver Star Medal, two Bronze Star Medals, and two Purple Hearts,” (webbforsenate.com). He then taught at the Marines Officers Candidates School, and left the Marines in 1972.
After his military service, Webb spent the next three years at Georgetown Law School, and he wrote his first book: Micronesia and U.S. Pacific Strategy. He spent the next ten years in public service. After graduation, Webb worked on the House Committee for Veterans Affairs from 1977 to 1981, and worked pro-bono on behalf of veterans. Webb's first novel, 1978's Fields of Fire, was notable because he drew on personal experiences to write it. Webb also faced widespread criticism for a report he wrote in 1979 called “Women Can't Fight,” which women cadets say helped create a hostile atmosphere for them at the US Naval Academy.
Webb was the first Assistant Secretary of Defense for Reserve Affairs from 1984 to 1987 and then he was promoted to the Cabinet position of Secretary of the Navy, where he served from 1987 to 1988 during the Reagan Administration. During his tenure, Webb sought to reform a demoralized and distraught Marine Corps. Webb hired Al Gray as Commandant of the Marines to oversee the process. Webb received multiple awards for his military and professional career, including the Distinguished Public Service Medal. Webb resigned from the position due to his opposition to reducing the size of the Navy. During this time, he wrote two books: 1981’s A Sense of Honor and 1983’s A Country Such as This. Webb went back to private life for the 1990s, and wrote more books: A Sense of Honor in 1995 and The Emperor's General is 1999.
Webb wrote the screenplay for the 2000 film Rules of Engagement. He rushed back to the public theater with an op-ed in 2004 in USA Today calling the War in Iraq “the greatest strategic blunder in modern memory,” (usatoday.com). The op-ed examined the service of the candidates for President, from the perspective of veterans: Webb said that Kerry was wrong for joining the Viet Nam Vets Against the War, but Bush was worse for using his father’s connections to avoid combat. He voiced his opposition to the war from the very start, and he has not wavered from that position.
D. The Campaigns
Primary Campaigns
Jim Webb declared his candidacy for US Senate in February 2006. He said in an interview that his campaign was not a long-planned one because “I don’t wake up in the morning wanting to be a U.S. senator” (“Reagan Secretary Run”) Webb entered the race because he wants to change the direction of US foreign policy, according to an interview cited in an article in the February 8, 2006 Washington Post. Webb’s military background and emphasis on foreign policy brought a new dynamic to the race for Virginia.
Webb’s opposition came from that of IT Lobbyist Harris Miller, who had announced his candidacy months earlier. (“N. Va. Lobbyist”) Miller wanted to run on a campaign against partisanship, preferring instead to look towards the future. In March, former Virginia Governor Mark Warner (who at the time was pursuing a possible run for the presidency) attended a fundraiser for Miller, but only because Miller was the only officially announced Democratic candidate. Warner stressed that this was not a formal endorsement for Miller, and that the agreement to hold the fundraiser was made before Webb entered the race. (“Invincibility Cloak”) Webb and Miller both claimed to want to run positive campaigns, where neither candidate would personally attack the other one.
Then the intra-party attacks began, despite the claim that they would not happen. On March 9, a Miller supporter attacked Webb for his reports for the Navy on women’s involvement in combat during the 1970s. Webb responded by touting his push for the advancement of women’s roles in the military when he was Secretary of the Navy under President Reagan, including the tripling of combat support jobs for women. (“Miller supporter”) March 23 saw the announcement of endorsements for each Democratic candidate: Miller received an endorsement from the Chairman of the Fairfax County Board of Supervisors, as well as multiple state senators from Fairfax County, and Jim Webb won a straw poll of Democrats at a fundraiser for the same Fairfax County Chairman that endorsed Miller, Gerald E. Connolly. (“Senate hopefuls”) Both candidates seeking the Democratic Party nomination for the Virginia Senate seat are running for their first elective office.
During the primary campaign, both Miller’s and Webb’s campaigns concentrated more on attacking the incumbent than on attacking each other. This was only because Democratic Senatorial Campaign Committee Chairman Sen. Charles Schumer (NY) warned Miller about attacking Webb. (“Chances”) Miller took Allen’s Congressional spending tactics to task, as reported in an April 10, 2006 CQ Weekly article, “Miller has dubbed the incumbent, George Allen, a ‘tax and tax and tax and spend Republican,’” (“Party Switch”). The budget deficit is an issue that resonates with fiscal conservatives, as well as the disenchanted liberals that constitute the Democratic base. Webb’s campaign was largely quiet until late April, when an April 26, 2006 Washington Post article highlights his attack on Allen as a “rubberstamp for Bush…‘voting 97 percent of the time with the president,’” (“Webb Opens Race”). In the speech quoted, Webb did not even mention the primary or his opponent Miller once, choosing instead to focus on the president, the war, and the Republican opponent, Allen. By attacking the incumbent, and not each other, the candidates presented a united front against the Republican opposition.
May saw an increase in the intensity of the campaigns, as primary day loomed closer. On May 1, examination of the candidates’ past became major news. The Richmond-Times Dispatch reported that Jim Webb called affirmative action “state sponsored racism,” something that Richmond’s first black mayor—State Senator Harry Marsh—found offensive. Further, Webb delivered a speech in which he praised Confederate General Robert E. Lee; the campaign responded that the speech should be seen in the context of Webb’s support for his Scots-Irish heritage, and not as support for the Confederacy, despite a simmering scandal about flagrant support for the Confederacy by George Allen. (“Webb speech praised Confederate”) Webb’s campaign announced that Retired General, and former head of Central Command (CENTCOM), Anthony Zinni endorsed his candidacy. (“Retired generals”)
As the primary campaign unfolded for the Democrats, there was no primary election for the Republican Party for the US Senate Seat, as Allen ran unopposed. This allowed him to spend more time in Congress and to campaign for the general election. However, this also placed the target directly on Allen for the opposition. Allen was expected to win back his seat in a cakewalk and use this election as a stepping-stone towards a presidential run in 2008, but revelations about Allen’s past reached the national stage as the race became increasingly close.
More endorsements were announced by both campaigns (Webb and Miller) on May 11. The Associated Press reported major endorsements of Webb by national figures, including the current and former Minority Leaders of the Senate, Harry Reid (Nev.) and Tom Daschle (SD). Also endorsing Webb were Democratic Sens. Tim Johnson (SD), Ken Salazar (Col.) and Christopher Dodd (CT). (“US Senate Dems”) Miller got endorsements from more local Democrats, including Delegates Adam P. Ebbin of Alexandria and Robert H. Brink of Arlington, Mark D. Sickles of Fairfax, state Sen. Mamie Locke of Hampton, former Del. Albert Pollard of Lancaster, state Sen. Mark R. Herring of Loudoun and Del. C. Chuck Caputo of Fairfax. The race for Virginia’s Democratic nomination was getting tighter.
The Virginia Democratic Party was divided over who to nominate to run against George Allen: Webb had the backing of the national establishment, but the party hardliners and local activists were pulling for Miller. Financial disclosures were printed on May 17 for both candidates, and the candidates are each millionaires, which was not surprising considering the candidates’ respective backgrounds, that of an author and screenwriter, and an IT lobbyist. (“Webb, Miller submit data”) The candidates debated on May 20, and it got heated. The Washington Post reported that the debate started calmly, but quickly “turned nasty, with Miller questioning Webb's partisan ‘values’ and Webb noting that Miller had been called by some people ‘the antichrist of outsourcing’” (“Sen. Candidates Bicker.”) The attacks from each side were personal. However, each candidate did agree to support the other if the other won the primary election.
The beginning of June brought the last moments of the primary campaign. The Washington Post followed both Miller and Webb as they went on get-out-the-vote missions, and two vastly different campaigns were presented: Miller went door-to-door looking for votes, while Webb attended rallies and parades, speaking to supporters. (“Miller's Road”) (“Webb Plunges”) During the last days, reports from local and national newsmedia disclosed fundraising numbers, which said that Miller donated 500,000 dollars of his own money to ensure a victory, as well as the 199,000 dollars he raised; Webb raised 294,000 dollars. (“Calls For More Cash”) Historically, turnout is extremely low in Virginia for primary elections, so each vote is absolutely crucial to the candidates.
Primary day was June 13, and Democratic voters decided to nominate Jim Webb to run for the US Senate Seat representing Virginia. This was due, in part, to an unusual endorsement from DSCC Chair Chuck Schumer, who joined in the national chorus of support for Jim Webb. (“Webb Unusual support”). Schumer’s endorsement led to a rapid decrease in fundraising by the DSCC, as members were extremely angry with the committee supporting a former Reagan official. (“Schumer Endorsement”). Turnout was forecasted to be light by the Richmond Times-Dispatch, and they were correct. Only 155,784 votes were cast in the Virginia primary, a 3 percent turnout. (http://sbe.virginiainteractive.org/june2006/) Webb was nominated by an extremely small number of party activists seething over the war and looking to reach out to moderates and independents, often overlooked groups in primary elections that generally play to the extremes.
General Election Campaigns
Immediately, Webb began to focus on Allen, his Republican opponent. Webb had endorsed Allen in 2000, but he said throughout the campaign that he regrets his decision and is still looking for one example of leadership from George Allen. (“Webb Wins”) Voters chose electability over party allegiance in the primary, but Democrats still thought there was no real race in Virginia: Allen was still quite popular, and confidence in his defeat was low. (“Electability vs. Allegiance”)
Newsmedia coverage of the race was relegated to the metro pages of the Washington Post, as well as other local newspapers, but after the primary, national coverage slightly increased. The Webb campaign began to talk directly about issues, most specifically about Iraq, which would become the defining issue of the election. Webb’s plan for solving the crisis in Iraq does not call for a deadline, which differs from most Democratic officials. “[He] said during [a] telephone conference from his Arlington County headquarters that ‘setting a date certain is not the way to go,’’’ (“Webb Diverges”). Webb announced that much of his campaign would be devoted to luring independents and disillusioned Republicans into voting for the Democrat.
Polls throughout late June indicated a landslide victory for Senator Allen. On June 20, 2006, Rasmussen released a poll that showed Allen leading Webb 51 percent to 41 percent. (http://rasmussenreports.com) SurveyUSA released a poll on June 28, 2006 that said 56 percent of likely voters would vote for Allen, with only 36 percent only voting for Webb. (http://www.surveyusa.com) Despite the low numbers, Democrats wanted to appear united against the Republican opposition, and after the primary, former Governor Mark Warner formally endorsed Webb’s campaign. Meanwhile, Allen’s campaign manager, in the same article, attacked the legitimacy of the Webb campaign, saying, “‘Jim Webb got nominated on the strength of 1.8 percent of the Virginia electorate,’” (“Warner Promises Webb Support”). The race was beginning to get ugly, but it would only get much, much worse.
July was a largely quiet month for both campaigns, with both sides attacking each other on Iraq, Bush’s foreign policy and levels of personal patriotism. (“Webb and Allen Trade Barbs”) The article cites attacks over flag burning, as the Allen campaign attacked Webb’s opposition to an amendment banning the burning of the flag. This accusation was met with a visceral response, with Webb’s camp accusing Allen of questioning the patriotism of a Viet Nam War hero. Poll numbers were still not very close, with Allen polling 50 percent of likely voters in an updated edition of the Rasmussen poll. Webb only captured 39 percent in the same poll. (http://rasmussenreports.com)
August 11, 2006, was the day the ground shook, the earth moved, and the Virginia Senate race became a competitive one. August 11, 2006, will forever be the day a new word entered the American lexicon: macaca. The word, according to Merriam-Webster’s dictionary, means “a genus of Old World monkeys,” (“macaca,”) but it also was used by French speakers in North Africa as a racial epithet against indigenes. The word was used by Senator Allen at a campaign stop in southwestern Virginia, during a speech to Republican supporters. Webb has an aide following the Allen campaign, capturing everything on film, and this aide is an American citizen with an Indian background. The aide’s name is S.R. Sidarth, and during the speech, Senator Allen pointed a finger at him and said:
This fellow here over here with the yellow shirt, Macaca, or whatever his name is. He's with my opponent. He's following us around everywhere. And it's just great. We're going to places all over Virginia, and he's having it on film and it's great to have you here and you show it to your opponent because he's never been there and probably will never come. [...] Let's give a welcome to Macaca, here. Welcome to America and the real world of Virginia. (youtube.com)
Sidarth was the only nonwhite person in attendance at the rally. A firestorm ensued, mostly on broadcast newsmedia and on the blogosphere. Left- wing blogs called it another example of Allen’s racism. However, print newsmedia followed, and the Washington Post reported on a building debate over accusations of racism by Allen, and even Republicans saying the comments were “foolish,” (“Allen on Damage Control.”) The episode brought back the charges of racism from his past, including the adornment of a Confederate flag and a noose in his law office.
The “macaca” episode did not die easily, or quietly. The controversy brought new national attention to the election, and a much closer race between the candidates. Allen’s bungled responses to the episode also had a lot to do with the enduring spectacle of the story itself. The race took until August 16, 2006 to reach the New York Times, and the response was a large part of the article. Allen apologized, but said that he did not know the meaning of the word when he used it. (“Senator Says”) Allen’s communications director claimed that he meant to say “Mohawk,” in reference to Sidarth’s hairstyle, but that Allen messed up the language. Then he claimed he had never heard it before, and that he simply made the word up. The National Journal wrote a briefing on the word, and its apparent intentional usage by Allen:
According to two Republicans who heard the word used, "macaca" was a mash-up of "Mohawk," referring to Sidarth's distinctive hair, and "caca," Spanish slang for excrement, or "shit." Said one Republican close to the campaign: "In other words, he was a shit-head, an annoyance." (nationaljournal.com)
All of the analysis notwithstanding, Allen called Sidarth and apologized to him directly. (“Allen Calls Webb Aide”) Not surprisingly, the race became a lot closer, with an updated Rasmussen poll saying that Allen’s lead shrunk to 5 percentage points, 47 percent to Webb’s 42 percent. (http://rasmussenreports.com) Allen’s remark cost him the security of a safe race, and may have permanently hurt his thinly veiled aspirations for the presidency.
After the apology, the campaigns kicked into high gear. President Bush attended a fundraiser for Allen, as reported by the Los Angeles Times, saying that the American people should accept his apology. (“Bush Raises Money”) The race was now international news: London’s Financial Times reported on the Rasmussen poll that showed Allen’s lead slipping quickly, due to his remark in Southwestern Virginia. (“Senator's racial slur”) International perspective highlighted the growing importance of the race: the VA Senate seat may swing control of the US Senate over to the Democrats. Allen had a tremendous financial advantage over Webb, and an August 31, 2006 Washington Post article stated that he made a major ad buy, putting two advertisements in every media market in all of Virginia, including the expensive Washington, DC market. Allen had, as of June, 6.6 million dollars; while Webb only had 424,000 dollars. (“Allen Deploys Financial Edge”) This ad buy was not in response to the remarks made by Allen, his campaign manager said. Nevertheless, the remarks led to slumping poll numbers, including Webb’s first lead, albeit one within the margin of error: in a Zogby/Wall Street Journal poll released August 27, 2006, which had Webb leading 47.9 percent to 46.6 percent. (http://online.wsj.com)
Labor Day is the kickoff to the final stretch before Election Day, and the Allen and Webb campaigns followed suit. September 7, 2006 saw the debut of Jim Webb’s first ad against Allen: it was a positive 30-second tribute to Webb by former President Ronald Reagan, lifted from a speech from 1985, when Webb was serving as Reagan’s Secretary of the Navy. For Webb to use Reagan’s words in an advertisement, it amounts to a de facto endorsement of Webb by Reagan, something vehemently denied by Allen, who fashions himself as a Jeffersonian and Reagan conservative. Allen himself has an image of Reagan on his campaign website. It only cost 100,000 dollars, and was scheduled to run in only three media markets for a limited time. (“Television Ad Shows Reagan”) The ad was controversial for other reasons as well: former First Lady Nancy Reagan asked the Webb campaign to pull the ad. The chief of staff of the Reagan Library faxed a letter asking for the ad to be pulled because an “[implied] endorsement is neither fair nor respectful of any candidate, certainly not after President Reagan's death” (“Nancy Reagan Asks”). The article also says that the response by the Reagan family may have raised the profile of the ad, further hurting whatever case they had made about the ad in the first place.
On September 9, 2006, Allen attended an “ethnic rally” sponsored by Fairfax County Republicans for the last several years. The rally was covered by the Richmond Times-Dispatch, which said that there was approximately 350 people in attendance. Allen spoke in multiple languages to the crowd, most of which are immigrants that speak English as a second language. Protesters outside the event claimed the attendance was mostly white. (“Allen holds 'ethnic rally'”) On September 13, 2006, the Allen campaign announced an endorsement from a notable Virginia black Democrat: “State Sen. Benjamin J. Lambert III (Richmond) praised Allen in a letter on his senate stationery released yesterday by the Allen campaign,” (“Black Democrat Says.”) This is especially notable for two reasons: Lambert had reservations about Webb’s stance on affirmative action, and Allen can use the endorsement of a black Democrat to dispute questions on his racism.
September 13, 2006 was a turning point for the Allen campaign against Webb, but it was not nearly as damaging as Allen’s macaca debacle. Allen began a vicious character attack against Webb, discussing Webb’s past reports on women in combat roles for the Navy, including an article Webb wrote for a 1979 issue of the Washingtonian, in which Webb said that women do not belong in combat, and that a coed barracks would be a “horny women’s dream” (“Va. Senate Race Goes Negative.”) Webb issued a statement of apology, saying that he was sorry for any undue hardship he caused women because of his report. Further, the article reports that Webb’s campaign also went on the offensive, claiming that Allen committed a similar act, accusing him of opposing the admission of women into the Virginia Military Institute. The issue of the role of women has plagued Webb throughout the campaign since, though not to the same extent as Allen’s issues on racism.
On September 17, 2006, the candidates sat for a debate on NBC’s “Meet the Press,” a Sunday morning talk show moderated by Tim Russert, who is known to sometimes be an aggressive questioner. The debate centered mostly on the defining issue of the campaign, that of the Iraq war, which Webb called an “incredible strategic blunder of historic proportions” and said that the US should move its troops to friendly Arab nations, as well as consult Iraq’s neighbors on what the next course of action should be. (“Meet The Press”) Allen defended the military action, saying that Saddam had violated 17 UN Security Council Revolutions, and that the world is safer with Hussein no longer in power. During the nationally televised debate, Webb had to defend his statements on women in the military, which he said was good at the time to contribute to the debate, but he has changed his views, and is now comfortable with the role of women in the military. Allen had to defend his possession and brandishing of the Confederate flag throughout his youth and the presence of a noose in his law office, which he attributed to an anti-establishment and rebellious attitude, if he could do it over again, he said he would not have used those symbols of rebellion. The next day, September 18, 2006, the candidates debated again, this time in a hotel ballroom filled to capacity in Northern Virginia; it was sponsored by the Fairfax County Chamber of Commerce, moderated by George Stephanopoulos of ABC News, and televised locally, as well as on C-SPAN. The candidates were as combative as the day before, and analysts believe that neither candidate moved very far in the polls from each debate. (“Only N. Va. Debate”)
After the debates, controversy slammed the Allen campaign again. Senator Allen had refused to answer a question during a debate about his alleged Jewish heritage, and Allen mentioned his father being incarcerated by Nazis during the Second World War, a W-USA reporter asked Allen to confirm the rumor that his grandparents were Jewish. Allen responded brusquely, in two separate statements, one to the Jewish Daily Forward on September 19, saying that he doesn’t believe his religious lineage is relevant (“Allen Confirms Mother’s Jewish Roots,”) and another to the Richmond Times-Dispatch on September 20, saying “I still had a ham sandwich for lunch. And my mother made great pork chops” (“Allen tells.”) Allen’s response fed fuel to the fire that he is an intolerant person, and the story raced around the national newsmedia in the coming days, casting Allen as angry about his heritage.
Both candidates caught fire for using epithets in their respective pasts, but one stuck, and the other one did not. After the macaca and Jewish heritage scandals, revelations began to pile on Allen about his usage of racial epithets throughout his youth, including his time playing football for the University of Virginia. (“Allen used ‘N-word’”) Three unrelated independent reports of the use of the word “nigger” by Allen surfaced, one claiming that he used the word in everyday language, again adding to the criticism of Allen’s insensitivity towards racial matters. When questioned on the subject, Webb never denied using the word itself, as evidenced by its widespread use in Webb’s book Fields of Fire, but he defiantly told the Richmond Times-Dispatch that he never directed the word towards anyone. (“Webb 'never directed’”) The campaigns and the newsmedia focused on racial issues for both candidates, but more notably Allen, for weeks. Both candidates have used controversial language to denigrate groups of people by sex, race, and/or religion in the past, and each candidate attempted to attack the other for committing the act. A poll conducted at the end of October by Mason Dixon/MSNBC had the race at a dead heat, with both Allen and Webb each receiving 43 percent of the vote, and 12 percent undecided. (MasonDixon/MSNBC)
With the beginning of the month of October came a new emphasis by both campaigns to stop attacking each other’s character, and to start focusing again on the issues. Allen started the change by producing an unprecedented two-minute ad in which he “acknowledged that he has been sidetracked by the questions about his racial and ethnic sensitivity but said he wants to talk about ‘real issues’ with his opponent” (“Allen Seeks To Refocus”). The ad goes on to remind voters about his actions as governor—and of his attempt to do the same in the Senate. He reiterated his support for the war in Iraq, but said he wants the troops to come home soon, in victory, not defeat. Webb quickly responded, putting out a 30-second ad featuring women saying that they have benefited from Webb’s policies from his time as Secretary of the Navy. The Webb campaign announced that they had raised 3.5 million dollars between July and September, putting the campaign in excellent position during the final month of the campaign. (“Webb's Fundraising Soars”)
October 8, 2006, was another day of scandal for the Allen campaign. The Associated Press reported that Allen neglected to report his ownership of stock in two companies: one for which he worked as director, and the other he advised the Army to help. Senate rules require full disclosure of stock options to avoid any conflicts of interests. Further, the rules state that senators should not engage in any activity that may benefit them financially. Allen played down the seriousness of the report: he claimed he didn’t make any money, so the campaign wondered why the lack of disclosure mattered at all. Nevertheless, an October 10, 2006 report from the Washington Post states that Allen requested an opinion from the Senate Ethics Committee. (“Senator Requests Opinion”)
The candidates debated for the last time on Monday, October 9, 2006. Once again, the candidates clashed over issues, this time in a debate televised statewide, however, issues seemed to rise above character attacks keeping the debate crisp, fast-paced and informative. “In rapid-fire succession, the candidates sparred over energy independence, immigration, the federal deficit, the Capitol Hill page scandal, the minimum wage and secret spying by the government,” (“Slashing, Wide-Ranging Debate”). The article analyzed the style of the debate and how it impacted the candidates: Allen appeared more comfortable, looking into the eyes of the audience; while Webb kept looking down at his notes, and wasn’t nearly as smooth, but was aggressive as ever. The debate also allowed the candidates to directly address each other, which often created chaotic situations in which the moderator had to intervene. Prior to the debate, it appeared that Allen had reopened his lead over Webb, with a Reuters/Zogby poll on October 5 giving Allen an 11-percentage point advantage, 48 percent to 37 percent. (http://www.zogby.com) After the debate, however, a Washington Post poll, out October 15, indicated that the race was again a statistical dead heat, with Allen leading Webb 49 percent to 47 percent. (“Virtual Tie”)
The race in Virginia between Webb and Allen had quickly come under the national spotlight. Naturally, the major players from each party followed, conducting fundraising for their party’s candidates. The USA Today of October 20, 2006 reported that current President George W. Bush came to fundraise for Allen, while former President Bill Clinton came on behalf of Webb; each came to the state to fire up their respective partisan bases. (“Race in Va. draws biggest fundraisers”) With both major leaders making appearances, analysts believed that there would be no net effect for either party, as Clinton and Bush essentially cancelled each other out.
Scandal broke again in Virginia on October 24, 2006. The Washington Post reported that Jim Webb’s last name was cut off the electronic ballots used in Alexandria, Falls Church and Charlottesville because of a computer glitch. Though this will not affect actual votes, election officials claimed, it could still confuse voters. Webb’s name will only appear as “James H. ‘Jim’” on the machines—showing only his first name and his nickname. (“Electronic Ballots Chop Off Names”) The Webb campaign was incensed by the revelation, though every name on the ballots has been affected, including the hiding of Allen’s party affiliation. The article states that the display of longer names has been an issue since the locality purchased the machines in 2002. Polls released within two weeks before Election Day show, once again, a dead heat: Rasmussen released a poll on October 27 that has Allen leading Webb 49 percent to 48 percent (Rasmussenreports.com), and CNN/Opinion Research Group has Webb, on October 31, leading Allen 50 percent to 46 percent. (CNN.com)
Scandal has pervaded the entire campaign, and as it entered its final week, the scandals continued. Allen, with the aid of the conservative Drudge Report, released excerpts of Webb’s novels. The excerpts are said to be racy and demeaning to women, according to the Allen campaign. Webb vigorously defended himself, saying that Republicans have written racy, controversial novels, and calling the attack a smear campaign. Webb said he was proud of his writing. (“Webb Fervently Defends”) Heading into the final weekend, both campaigns spent millions on an ad blitz, with the Democrats spending 2.6 million dollars, and the Republicans spending over 1 million dollars. (“Millions Spent”).
With the home stretch of November, the battle became physical. A Democratic activist who attended an Allen campaign event verbally confronted the candidate was shoved, put into a headlock and thrown to the ground by three Allen supporters, all of which were sporting Allen campaign stickers. The activist identified himself as W. Michael Stark, a University of Virginia law student. He yelled a question concerning the treatment of Allen’s first wife, who Allen had reportedly spit on; an unsubstantiated rumor on the subject was flying around the liberal blogs recently. (“Democratic Activist Claims Abuse”) Allen aides claimed it was a stunt by the Webb campaign to bring the issue to national attention, but Webb aides say Stark has no connection with Webb or the campaign whatsoever. Stark was detained November 4, after he claimed that he was abused at another Allen rally.
The final weekend of the campaign featured a return to issues. Both candidates took to the stump in an attempt to sure up votes for Election Day. Taxes were the talk of November 2: Allen claimed to want to eliminate them as he says Webb would raise them; Webb spoke about the increasing gap between the rich and the poor. (“Back to the Issues”) Women may be the deciding factor in the race: the gender gap does not seem to apply to this Senate Race, as polling shows that the candidates are even amongst women voters. (Women May Make the Difference) Neither candidate is assured a victory; every poll has the race too close to call.
E. Conclusion
This Senate race may be the most closely scrutinized statewide election in national history. With macaca-gate, the American lexicon has a new word, and Senator George Allen has a new national identity, that of a racially insensitive candidate, prone to gaffes. His chances for running for President in 2008 may be permanently destroyed; the best he can do is try to salvage a victory in this race. I think that it is a miracle that Allen still has a fighting chance, given all of the missteps and mistakes in his campaign: it is a testament to how popular the affable son of a football coach really is. This Senate seat is probably the deciding one in whether the Democrats take control of the Upper House of the Legislature, and I believe that James Webb will eke out a slim victory.
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